The politics of design: architecture, tall buildings and the skyline of central London

Author: Igal Charney (University of Haifa, Department of Geography and Environmental Studies)
Year: 2007
Source type: article (Area, Vol. 39, No. 2, pp. 195–205)
Raw file: raw/articles/charney-2007-politics-design-london-skyline.md

Summary

Charney examines how London's skyline was transformed after 2000 when Mayor Ken Livingstone championed tall buildings in central London, challenging well-established planning practices. Despite initial opposition from conservation groups (English Heritage, CABE), the debate was quickly resolved in favor of tall buildings. Charney argues this was achieved through strategic framing: Livingstone "drew on the merits associated with iconic architecture and high-profile architects" to legitimize tall buildings. By stressing "high-quality design and iconic architecture," the mayor "helped to wear down deep-rooted antagonism and to channel the debate to improving the aesthetic qualities of London, a goal that enjoys wide consensus." The article shows how "architectural authority and eye-catching designs were skilfully used to appease opponents" — the debate shifted from whether tall buildings were needed to where and how they should be designed. This case illustrates the broader shift from urban managerialism to urban entrepreneurialism (Harvey 1989), where city governments use spectacular architecture by star architects to improve global standing.

Key Claims

• European shift: "After the revolt against the lumpish high rises of the 1970s, in most European cities both architectural and public sentiment determined that nothing else should be allowed to break through a strict but unstated height limit. Then, equally suddenly, the received wisdom was turned on its head. Building tall became an obsession for architects not just in Asia and America, but in Europe too" (Sudjic 2005c).

• Tall buildings as global city marker: "Tall buildings have become 'sine qua non of place in the global hierarchy of cities' (Zukin 1992, 203) and the 'only visible symptom of world city formation' (Taylor et al. 2002, 233)."

• Starchitecture and icons: "Construction of tall buildings often involves global architects (dubbed 'starchitects') and iconic architecture, both having gained importance in recent decades." "Property firms acknowledge the aura associated with global architects in promoting developments; political leaders likewise appreciate the instrumental role of architecture as an expressive means of urban re-imaging."

• London's expected transformation: "By 2015 the city should have 18–20 skyscrapers, many of them in central London."

• Livingstone's activism: "This change is largely attributable to the activism of London's mayor." Shortly after assuming office in mid-2000, Livingstone "announced his backing for the development of tall buildings in the capital, including the City and its surrounding boroughs."

• Framing strategy: "Initial concerns stirred debate between Livingstone, pro-development boroughs... and leading conservation bodies... But after a brief campaign the opposition dwindled; this generates the question why?" Charney's answer: "examining how the debate was framed is crucial for understanding why tall buildings were eventually approved."

• Aesthetic legitimation: "The campaign orchestrated by Livingstone expressed a strategy that made use of the artistic and aesthetic values associated with iconic architecture and global architects. In the linkage of global city status with spectacular tall buildings, high-quality design was repeatedly stressed to make such developments acceptable and appreciable."

• Architectural authority: "Global architects who were commissioned to design tall buildings participated in Livingstone's campaign, shoring up the legitimacy of tall buildings as symbols of global power. Architectural authority and eye-catching designs were skilfully used to appease opponents of tall buildings."

• Debate shift: "Framing the debate around these issues defused deep-rooted antagonism and lasting perceptions. The debate was no longer about whether tall buildings were needed; arguments instead encompassed issues such as location, design merits and architectural qualities."

• Urban entrepreneurialism: "The shift of approach from urban managerialism to urban entrepreneurialism (Harvey 1989) has made city governments more responsive to business needs and more aware of intensifying competition between cities."

• Spectacular architecture for exposure: City governments "have to come to recognize that spectacular and innovative architecture designed by star architects may positively contribute to the exposure of their cities." Examples: Bilbao/Guggenheim (Gehry), Kuala Lumpur/Petronas Towers, Sydney/Opera House.

• Mayor examples: "In many cases entrepreneurial and long-serving mayors have played a key role in shaping cities: Pasqual Maragall in Barcelona, Francesco Rutelli in Rome and Frank Sartor in Sydney."

• Architecture's autonomy: "Impressive architecture and renowned architects have become essential elements of the postmodern city. Architecture has acquired a life of its own, and the development of standard tall buildings, such as simple rectangular boxes, is no longer enough."

• Search for icons: "'It is certainly the search for architectural icons that drives the process in globalizing cities'" (Sklair 2005, 498).

• Image vs. being: "'Projecting the "image of being global" is as important as "being global" in the competitive global economy'" (Marshall 2003, 23).

• Global architects (~30 names): "They have become influential figures and their works are highly desired in every city around the globe that seeks to pull together an assemblage of distinguished edifices: 'Every ambitious city wants an architect to do for them what they think Jorn Utzon's Opera House did for Sydney and Frank Gehry and the Guggenheim did for Bilbao'" (Sudjic 2005c, 318).

• Names seduce: As Bilbao deputy mayor said, "'good architecture is not enough anymore: to seduce we need names'" (quoted in Gonzalez 2006, 12).

• Scripting world city status: "'Many national and civic leaders have chosen intervention in the skyline as an important part of "scripting" a world city status'" (McNeill 2002a, 325).

• Shanghai example: "Top architects with an international reputation from Britain, Italy, Japan and France were contacted for the planning of a new business district of tall buildings. The lack of local experience in global architectural practices was deemed irrelevant by the Chinese organizers since the foreign teams were supposed to supply the 'shock of the new', associated with high Modernism."

• Justifications for spectacular projects:

  • Economic: "promotion of growth" — cities hosting Olympics, world fairs assert "huge spending on spectacular projects... is worthwhile because of their positive economic impact"
  • Social: "Providing social housing and revitalizing deprived neighbourhoods are proclaimed crucial for creating equality, and accordingly justify excessive density rights"
  • Grand ambitions: "Impressive tall buildings are also supported by an appeal to the grander ambitions of local and national leaders." Shanghai: skyscrapers expressed "achievements of the reform era" and association "with modernization."

• European suspicion: "Europe doesn't much like skyscrapers. There, tall buildings – a quintessential American architectural form – are generally regarded in a negative light, suspicious products of rapacious corporate speculators bent on destroying the fabric of life and cultural heritage of old European cities" (Dupré 1996, 111).

• Paris lesson: Completion of Maine-Montparnasse (210m, 1970s) "sparked fierce criticism and resentment toward high-rise buildings in Paris... The outcry led to a ban on buildings of more than eight stories in the city centre."

• European icons: "Newly completed tall buildings designed by star architects may become urban icons": Turning Torso (Malmö, Calatrava), Torre Agbar (Barcelona, Nouvel), Gherkin (London, Foster).

• Livingstone's transformation: "Ken Livingstone, London's first elected mayor, changed from a hard-line Labour Party member ('Red Ken') and opponent of unrestricted capitalism into a keen sponsor of tall buildings, the ultimate symbols of capitalism."

• Mayor's powers and constraints: Under Greater London Authority Act (1999), mayor has "statutory capabilities to reshape urban development" including spatial development strategy (London Plan 2004). But "the mayor has few resources to implement them as he or she is heavily reliant on central government for funding."

• Pro-business turn: "The lack of financial resources has made Livingstone actively court the business sector and adopt a strong pro-business attitude." This "allows him to realize his own programme, overcoming the lack of financial power; it helps gain independence in relation to central government."

• Tall buildings' benefits for Livingstone: "They carry potential benefits for planning — for example, social housing can be provided as a result of the award of planning permission for tall buildings." Also, "many of Britain's influential property firms and choice boroughs are behind the development of tall buildings."

Connections

Concepts: iconic-architecture
Authors: harvey-david, sklair-leslie, sudjic-deyan, foster-hal
Debates: spectacle-vs-function, jencks-vs-sklair-iconic-architecture
Related source notes: mahmoud-2014-iconic-architecture-publicizing-cities, jones-2009-putting-architecture-social-place

Direct Quotes

"Tall buildings have become 'sine qua non of place in the global hierarchy of cities' and the 'only visible symptom of world city formation'."

"The campaign orchestrated by Livingstone expressed a strategy that made use of the artistic and aesthetic values associated with iconic architecture and global architects."

"Framing the debate around these issues defused deep-rooted antagonism and lasting perceptions. The debate was no longer about whether tall buildings were needed; arguments instead encompassed issues such as location, design merits and architectural qualities."

"'Projecting the "image of being global" is as important as "being global" in the competitive global economy'."

"'Good architecture is not enough anymore: to seduce we need names'." — Bilbao deputy mayor

"Ken Livingstone, London's first elected mayor, changed from a hard-line Labour Party member ('Red Ken') and opponent of unrestricted capitalism into a keen sponsor of tall buildings, the ultimate symbols of capitalism."

Open Questions

• How does Charney's "framing" analysis connect to Jones' Bourdieusian field theory — is framing the mechanism by which economic imperatives are recast as aesthetic ones?
• What is the relationship between Livingstone's pro-business turn and Sklair's TCC — is Livingstone part of the state fraction, or a local actor co-opted by TCC interests?
• Does the London case support or complicate Alaily-Mattar et al.'s argument about situatedness — was London's repositioning genuinely situated or a generic global city script?
• How does the "social housing as planning gain" mechanism connect to Gribat & Meireis' critique of social architecture — is this a form of complicit participation?